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The strike in Zhanaozen has ended

Submitted by Вера Александрова on

On 5 December, the strike by workers from the 'Drilling Operations Directorate' of JSC 'Ozenmunaigas' came to an end. The protesters ceased their unauthorised action and returned to their workplaces.

As a reminder, the protest action that began on 12 November saw the presentation of a set of demands to the company's management. The main grievances concerned the employment of former workers' children, social guarantees, and the terms of the collective agreement.

Earlier, the editors of the FBRK carefully examined the substance of the demands put forward and asked the question: where is the line drawn between employees' genuine needs and manipulation?

JSC 'KazMunayGas' officially reported that the issues requiring clarification and discussion will be considered at a meeting of the conciliation commission 'in strict accordance with legislation and within the legal framework'

At the same time, the company emphasised several fundamental points. For example, the direct employment of workers' children, as stated by JSC 'KazMunayGas', would violate the rights of other unemployed people in Zhanaozen. 

Furthermore, the company allocates significant funds for social support: 44 billion tenge in social payments, of which 5 billion tenge is for the 'Drilling Operations Directorate'. The average annual social support amounts to 3.8 million tenge per employee.

In this context, a natural question arises regarding the true motives of the strike leaders, especially given their financial situation. According to insider information, many of them have managed to accumulate considerable assets over their years working in the oil industry.

According to data obtained from informed sources, Muratbay Dzhumagaliyev received a reward of 2 million tenge in September. He owns a Mitsubishi L200 off-roader, a truck, and two houses in Kenderli. 

And, for instance, Nurzhan Narenov, according to some data, received an income of 1.4 million tenge in September, and his assets include a Toyota Camry and several plots of land in Zhanaozen. 

Nurlybek Nurgaliyev, for example, according to information from closed sources, earning between 1.5 and 1.8 million tenge a month, owns two houses and two Toyota cars. 

Given the standard of living of the leaders of the 'Drilling Operations Directorate', it is difficult to believe that their demands are driven solely by social motives. 

It is clear that the current conflict appears far less straightforward than the union leaders try to portray it. Behind the demands for 'protection of workers' rights', personal ambitions and potential gain for certain individuals seem to be discernible.

And the case itself rather resembles the fable of the boy who cried 'Wolf!'. The questionable demands and dubious motives of the strikers may lead to the public ceasing to take their problems seriously. And when genuinely acute and urgent issues arise, who will be ready to listen to the workers?